Ongoing discrimination against Zainichi Korean in Politics and Government policies

4.5 / 5. 2

The Zainichi are Koreans who hold permanent residency in Japan as foreign nationals. Most of them hold Japanese citizenship originating from as early as 1910 when the Japanese ruled in the Korean Peninsula (Beare, 2007). For a number of decades, the citizenships of the Zainichi Koreans have been discriminated upon by different government policies including the Treaty of San Francisco that failed to spell out the specific clauses regarding their continued stay in Japan. In an official revocation incident in 1952, the Japanese Government under the Civil Affairs Bureau in the Ministry of Justice affected the revocation notice thereby leaving the Zainichi Koreans with no clear status of their Japanese citizenship. This chapter, therefore, seeks to explore this ongoing discrimination against the Zainichi Korean in politics and government policies by exploring three fundamental aspects including the non-Japanese resident policies especially those regarding the Zainichi Koreans, possible factors that prevent the Zainichi Koreans from obtaining Japanese Citizenship.
Non-Japanese Resident Policies on Zainichi Korean
The implementation of the Treaty of San Francisco in 1952 caused all the Koreans living in Japan to lose their nationality. Since then, the Government has also been involved in formulating restrictive policies which do not only deny the Zainichi Koreans their permanent residency in the country but also undermine their fundamental human rights (Chapman, 2007). Some of the discriminating policies that have been initiated by the Government of Japan include the addition of nationality requirements for the Zainichi Koreans and the stringent conditions for joining the social security schemes as well as the perfection of the exclusion of the Koreans from public offices. These policies, introduced in entirety by the Japanese Government have been quite retrogressive and discriminative based on the understanding of the concepts of nationality and ethnicity and how these are enshrined in human rights. In Japan, for example, nationality is entirely defined by the National Act (Chung, 2008). According to the provisions of this Japan Nationality Act, the right of blood otherwise referred to as the jus sanguinis strictly applies and by law considers that all the children born in Japan by parents who do not have the nationality of Japan cannot obtain the nationality and the citizenship of the country. This is quite restrictive and discriminative to the descendants of the Zainichi Koreans whose nationalities were revoked in 1952 through the introduction and implementation of the Treaty of San Francisco. From a critical perspective, the principle of jus sanguinis was entirely introduced to enhance the strategies for the exclusion of the Zainichi Koreans on the basis of their ethnicity and race. The laws and policies formulated by the Japanese Government regarding this were therefore seen to be based on discrimination as well as ethnocentric or racist perspective.

The Ongoing Discrimination against Zainichi Korean in Politics and Government Policies

Another important aspect to explore in Japan’s Non-Resident policies against the Zainichi Koreans is the naturalization policy. This has also been administered in a quite discriminative and ethnocentric manner (Fox, Finke, & Eisenstein, 2018). As of not long ago, the Japanese government had an excessive and wide expert over the naturalization procedure, requiring ethnic and cultural assimilation into the bigger Japanese people; embracing Japanese-style names is just a single such example. In Japanese society, there is a solid propensity to respect naturalization as ethnic and cultural assimilation into the bigger Japanese people, furthermore to lawful obtaining of nationality. Additionally, there are no explicit arrangements in Japan to ease naturalization prerequisites for previous pioneer subjects that exist in other previous majestic powers.
The Government policy to exclude the Zainichi Koreans from the National Pension Schemes is also discriminative and does not give dignity to the nationality rights they have. These policies restrict the admission of some classes of the Zainichi Koreans in the National Pension Scheme which is quite discriminative. Precisely the Zainichi Koreans aged 60 and above with effect from April 1, 1986, those aged above 20 years but with disabilities as well were not allowed to enroll in the national pension scheme (Fox, Finke, & Eisenstein, 2018). They were also effectively excluded from the Old Age Pension and Basic Disability Pension programs. This was a typical violation of Article 5(e) (IV) of the ICERD. The government also played a significant role in ensuring such restrictive and discriminative policies were allowed to thrive. It has nevertheless, a crucial obligation to ensure that they revise such policies to ensure the provision of urgent remedies and facilitate the access of such benefits by all the people making up the population and citizenship of Japan. Different strategies have, however, been formulated to help in solving the issue of the exclusion of the Zainichi Koreans in the National Pension and Disability Programs.
As clarified by the January 2013 Japanese government answer to the CERD Committee, the proportion of Korean populace inside the whole outside populace is getting to be bitten by bit littler step by step (Kingston, 2012). It ends up evident, nonetheless, that oppression Koreans is in a general sense not quite the same as that against other remote nationals when their age dispersions are thought about. In particular, Zainichi Koreans comprise the main outsiders gather that is maturing at an indistinguishable rate from the Japanese populace, and by far most of elderly outside occupants in Japan prohibited from the national annuity framework are Zainichi Koreans. For instance, among 30,630 outside occupants in Japan as of December 31, 2013, 25,721 of them hold Korean nationality. Though no similar information is accessible on people with incapacities, it is assessed that the greater part of remote nationals with inabilities over the age of 20 as of January 1, 1982, was Zainichi Koreans (Kingston, 2012). Because of the above exclusionary measure, roughly 20,000 elderly Zainichi Koreans and 5,000 Zainichi Koreans with handicaps were compelled to live without annuity as of July 2002. The Japanese government has not led research on the number and circumstance of Zainichi Koreans living without benefits. Numerous Zainichi Koreans who are avoided from getting a benefits installment are previous frontier subjects of Japan and their relatives, and their Japanese nationality was renounced in 1952. Differential treatment for these people based on nationality establishes true racial segregation dependent on their geographic birthplace and ethnicity.
Notwithstanding the way that they were conceived in Japan, speak Japanese smoothly, keep up monetary life in Japanese society, make good on regulatory expenses to the national and neighborhood government, and lead life no uniquely in contrast to whatever is left of occupants of Japan, Zainichi Koreans are barred from the national annuity plot dependent on their geographic birthplace (Lee & Vos, 1981). The previously mentioned measure to avoid certain gatherings of elderly outside nationals, what’s more, remote nationals with handicaps from the national benefits plot has disproportionally influenced Zainichi Koreans – individuals with a previous provincial foundation. This establishes racial separation, which has “a baseless dissimilar effect upon a gathering recognized by race, shading, plummet, or national or ethnic origin.” Despite the fact that keeping up the income hotspot for the national benefits plot and guaranteeing suitable organization of annuity might be the bases for advocating the controls barring outside nationals, it isn’t important to entirely avoid remote nationals over a specific age with that in mind (Lee & Vos, 1981). It might have been conceivable to look for estimates less prohibitive to the privileges of outside nationals; for example, remote inhabitants fit the bill to dwell in Japan for a broadened period, and Zainichi Koreans who had lost Japanese nationality without wanting to as a consequence of the 1952 notice by the Japanese government could have been made absolved from the exclusionary directions.
The Japanese government’s hesitance to cure Zainichi Koreans’ circumstance is in a conspicuous difference with therapeutic moves the legislature made for specific gatherings of the Japanese populace. For instance, inhabitants of the Ogasawara Islands and Okinawa couldn’t enlist in the national annuity plot when it was presented in 1959, as the islands were not domains of Japan until their arrival in 1968 and 1972, separately. Following the reincorporation of the Ogasawara Islands and Okinawa, the administration of Japan utilized exceptional measures for the islands’ inhabitants; for instance, the administration paid for the occupants’ remarkable benefits premiums from the national treasury (Lee, Murphy-Shigematsu, & Befu, 2006). What’s more, the administration utilized transitional measures to guarantee that dislodged Japanese from World War II in China what’s more, kidnapping unfortunate casualties coming back from the DPRK could get annuity in 1996 and 2003 individually.
What Prevents the Zainichi Koreans from Obtaining Japanese Citizenship
The acquisition of citizenship by the Zainichi Koreans has been for a long time affected by many policies since the time of World War II. When the San Francisco Peace Treaty was officially signed between the government of Japan and that of the Republic of China in 1952, it formally brought to an end the nationality rights that were enjoyed by the Zainichi Koreans who were initially staying in Japan (Lie, 2008). Since the implementation of the treaty, the Government of Japan has also been aggressively involved in the restriction of rights leading to the acquisition of citizenships by the Zainichi Koreans. For example, in 1991, the Japanese government set up an uncommon lasting residency framework for people conceived in previous Japanese states previously the Japanese annihilation in 1945 (Koreans what’s more, Taiwanese) and their relatives. In any case, the Japanese government segregates against exceptional perpetual occupants in territories of government managed savings and open office on the grounds of their absence of Japanese nationality. It is to be noticed that not all people who had been living in Japan before 1945 were given exceptional perpetual residency status (purposes behind refusal incorporate not being physically present in Japan whenever somewhere in the range of 1945 and 1952); some are living in Japan under general changeless residency status or other living arrangement capabilities.
In Japan, nationality is characterized by the Nationality Act. Japan’s Nationality Act entirely applies jus sanguinis (right of blood), and, standardly speaking, youngsters conceived in Japan don’t get Japanese nationality if their folks are outside nationals. Similarly, relatives of Zainichi Koreans who had been denied of their Japanese nationality in 1952 on ethnic or racial grounds don’t get Japanese nationality except if one of their folks is hitched to a Japanese national (Lie, 2008). The guideline of jus sanguinis in Japan’s nationality law capacities to reject Zainichi Koreans from Japanese nationality on ethnic and racial grounds. In this sense, Japan’s nationality law might be depicted as ethnocentric or supremacist. Under such nationality law, there are instances of fourth-or fifth-age Zainichi Koreans who stay outside nationals (Lim, 2009). Among Zainichi Koreans who had been denied of their Japanese nationality in 1952, there are families with the historical backdrop of more than a hundred long periods of a home in Japan. While Japan’s nationality law accommodates naturalization, the naturalization procedure, as well, has been regulated in an ethnocentric and bigot way. Up to this point, the Japanese government had an unreasonable and wide expert over the naturalization procedure, requiring ethnic and cultural assimilation into the bigger Japanese masses; embracing Japanese-style.
The procedure set by the government of acquiring Japanese citizenship by naturalization is also another factor that prevents the Zainichi Koreans from getting the citizenship of the country even if they are eligible and qualified for it (Ryang, 2013). While Japan’s nationality law accommodates naturalization, the naturalization procedure, as well, has been regulated in an ethnocentric and supremacist way. The laws of naturalization as set by the Japanese government are also a significant hindrance to the acquisition of citizenship by the Zainichi Koreans, and this hinders the entire process of acquisition of citizenship. Most of these laws are quite regressive and violates the fundamental rights of these people based on their origins. In addition, the ICERD does not matter to qualifications among nationals and non-subjects (Article 1.2).
Article 1.2, be that as it may, will not be connected to refinements concerning extraordinary permanent residents and Zainichi Koreans with a comparable status on the grounds of their absence of Japanese nationality (Shipper, 2008). Qualifications among subjects and extraordinary permanent residents (and those with a comparable status) establish a type of refinement dependent on the ethnic or racial source and will be portrayed as “racial segregation” under Article 1.1. As clarified above, Zainichi Koreans had been denied of their Japanese nationality in 1952 dependent on their ethnic or racial beginning and were since institutionally rejected from Japanese nationality because of ethnocentric and supremacist nationality law and its implementation (Sugiyama, 2011). The legitimate status of Zainichi Koreans since 1952 has enhanced on account of common society associations supporting Zainichi Koreans and the confirmation of bargains, for example, the Universal Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”) and the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (“Refugee Convention”) by the Japanese government. However, as referenced above, Zainichi Koreans with extraordinary permanent residency status keep on encounter segregation in zones of government disability and work in broad daylight office. This comprises racial segregation for reasons expressed previously.
From a critical perspective, it can be observed that most of the restrictive behavior of the Japanese government to prevent the Zainichi Koreans from obtaining citizenship of Japan has been shaped mostly the discriminative law against the Koreans living in Japan (Tonomura, 2013). It all started with the introduction of the discriminative Treaty of San Francisco in 1952 followed by the Nationality Act that defines the acquisition of Nationality and in general the procedure of how an individual from a foreign country can be naturalized in Japan. These restrictive policies are not only discriminative but also play fundamental roles in the violation of fundamental rights of the people of Zainichi Korea who live in Japan. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as enshrined in the Bill of Rights, every person has the right to nationality and identity. It is therefore absolutely no right to deny or deprive individual citizenship obtained by birth like it was done to the Zainichi Koreans through the introduction and implementation of the Peace Treaty of San Francisco. It is therefore important for the Japanese Government to consider a critical review of some of its policies on national civil registration and acquisition of citizenship to confirm that they do not violate human rights in any way (Tonomura, 2013). The priceless efforts that have also been put forth by civil interest groups have also been of imperative value in ensuring that a significant milestone has been achieved which focus on the promotion of recognition and identification of the value of respecting human rights. These will come in handy in enhancing the understanding of the value of diversity and respect for human rights in such manner that can be unprecedented.
The Factors that Impact on the Third Generation Zainichi and Minority Groups sense of Identity
Identity defines a sense of belonging that a particular person or group of people associated with. It is affected by many factors that affect the sense of identity from one generation to another. Based in on the context of Zainichi Koreans, a number of factors that affect their understanding and interpretation of the sense of identity depend on many factors such multiculturalism, nationality and understanding of the diversity of humans and its applications (Tsutsui, 2018). For more than the 60 years that have passed since the end of World War II, since the Koreans were liberated from the harsh and discriminative rule of colonial Japan, a lot of changes have occurred in as far as the understanding of their identity is concerned. Majority of the Zainichi population who remained in the Japanese territory have grown to the third and the fourth generations shaping their understanding of the sense of their identity in terms of nationality and active participation in the matters affecting Japan as a nation. However, this understanding is constantly being shaped by a number of factors such as multiculturalism that has played a significant role in the understanding of the essence of social discrimination.
Albeit most Zainichi Koreans go through their whole time on earth in Japan from their introduction to the world until their demise, they confronted, and still face somewhat, social separation in numerous roads, including training, marriage, lodging, and work. A few examinations have asserted that the purposes for this separation can be outlined in a few: the impact of Shinto religion guaranteeing Japan and Japanese individuals to be of faithful root, which could likewise disclose the narrow-mindedness to outsiders when all is said in done; and additionally the assimilation strategy which constrained Koreans to acclimatize into Japanese society and even receive Japanese character (Tsutsui, 2018). Another reason can be considered in the Japanese monetary development and industrialization, which could have made the Japanese predominant in prior years. Additionally, the Japanese preference can be bolstered by the Japanese training framework’s one-sided view of history and the history reading material utilized in schools which propagate this even as of late.
Another factor is the issue in regards to the kidnappings of Japanese by North Koreans in the late 70s and mid-80s. Most as of late, the discussion over the responsibility for Dokdo islands region has likewise been a reason for Korea-Japanese gratings. Following the finish of Japanese dominion and the American occupation strategy amid the Cold War, several groups of Korean beginning stayed in the Japanese archipelago, where they lost every one of their rights as subjects because of the Peace Treaty of San Francisco. A while later, notwithstanding the South Korean birthplace of the greater part, the resident Korean people group, called Zainichi, was likewise partitioned along ideological connections to the Democratic People’s Republic of North Korea or the Republic of Korea. For new ages conceived in Japan, this has caused a sentiment of distance towards both a new Korea and to a Japan that does not acknowledge them, which has driven them to shape an origination of presence that challenges customary ideas of ethnicity and character. The main Korean workers saw that the legitimate estimates are taken after the fall of the Japanese realm, a long way from enhancing the circumstance, sentenced them and their relatives to a dubious future where their reality as a network did not fit into the social examples of current Japan. The posterity of the Korean people group presently faces the test of coordinating into the Japanese society, a general public that notwithstanding being their home does not appear to need to confront the test of tolerating heterogeneity inside it. Conceived as outsiders in their own nation, the new Zainichi ages test customary traditions of ethnicity and character to attempt to characterize a personality display that they can be attributed. This examination breaks down the procedure of formation of character in post-Korean War ages, endeavoring to comprehend what job does social capital play in this procedure and taking note of how the Korean minority, from its appearance, appears to dispose of social preference roused by their ethnic minority status while opposing domineering originations of Japan as a mono-ethnic space.
Most of the minority groups and the Zainichi Koreans have been discriminated upon in many ways, and this has been transferred to many generations up to the fourth one. This has often compromised the understanding of their sense of identity which calls for government intervention to end the stalemate and their plight altogether. The understanding of the ongoing discrimination against the Zainichi Koreans in Japan is a matter that is deeply rooted and requires an in-depth exploration to find an amicable and sustainable solution. The Government policies and politics play a significant role in the suppression of the rights of these ethnic minority groups since the end of the Second World War in 1945. Most of the political realignments and policy decisions that have occurred in Japan since then have always perfected and promoted the discriminative agenda as well (YANG AH LAM, 2017). The Non-Japanese Resident Policies implied on the Zainichi residents have been so discriminative to the extent of legally stopping their birthrights and denouncing them on the basis of being foreigners. The implementation of the Peace Treaty of San Francisco between the Japanese government and the Republic of China in 1952 for example, stopped the nationality of all the foreigners from North and South Korea irrespective of whether they were born in Japan or not so long as the parents have origins from Korea. The same government has also introduced discriminative policies on the laws of citizenship by naturalization which keeps the acquisition of citizenship by these ethnic minorities remain a dream (Ryang, 2013). The prevention of the Zainichi Koreans from acquiring citizenship of Koreans is not only discriminative but also a serious violation of the fundamental human rights of the ethnic group. It must, however, be understood, on a national scale that many factors can contribute to such and it is prudent to find the best ways to deal with them. A sense of identity and recognition of the fundamental rights of humans is very indispensable and cannot be underscored at all costs.
Beare, M. E. (2007). 6. Steeped in Politics: The Ongoing History of Politics in Policing. Police and Government Relations.
Chapman, D. (2007). Zainichi Korean Identity and Ethnicity.
Chung, H. (2008). Zainichi Korean Identity and Ethnicity (review). Korean Studies, 32(1), 209-212.
Fox, J., Finke, R., & Eisenstein, M. A. (2018). Examining the causes of government-based discrimination against religious minorities in western democracies: societal-level discrimination and securitization. Comparative European Politics.
Kingston, J. (2012). Contemporary Japan: History, Politics, and Social Change since the 1980s. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.
Lee, C., & Vos, G. A. (1981). Koreans in Japan: ethnic conflict and accommodation. Oakland, CA: University of California Pr.
Lee, S. I., Murphy-Shigematsu, S., & Befu, H. (2006). Japan’s Diversity Dilemmas: Ethnicity, Citizenship, and Education. Bloomington, IN: iUniverse.
Lie, J. (2008). Zainichi (Koreans in Japan): Diasporic Nationalism and Postcolonial Identity. Oakland, CA: University of California Press.
Lim, Y. (2009). Reinventing Korean Roots and Zainichi Routes: The Invisible Diaspora among Naturalized Japanese of Korean Descent. Diaspora without Homeland Being Korean in Japan, 81-106.
Ryang, S. (2013). Koreans in Japan: Critical Voices from the Margin. London, England: Routledge.
Shipper, A. W. (2008). Fighting for Foreigners: Immigration and Its Impact on Japanese Democracy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Sugiyama, Y. (2011). Ethnicity and Identities of Younger Generations of Zainichi Koreans (resident Koreans in Japan).
Tonomura, M. (2013). Japan: Korean Zainichi migration. The Encyclopedia of Global Human Migration.
Tsutsui, K. (2018). Zainichi (Korean Residents in Japan). Oxford Scholarship Online.
Yang Ah Lam. (2017). Marriage Immigration in the 1980s and Consciousness Change of Zainichi Korean woman (1) – Discrimination, Assimilation, Historical Recognition. Korean Cultural Studies, null (75), 499-529.

Free Ongoing discrimination against Zainichi Korean in Politics and Government policies Dissertation Example

All Examples

Do you need an original paper?

Approach our writing company and get top-quality work written from scratch strictly on time!

Get an original paper